Ivory production & consumption in Ghana in the early second millennium AD.

Ivory production & consumption in Ghana in the early second millennium AD. In the eighteenth to nineteenth century West Africa West AfricaA region of western Africa between the Sahara Desert and the Gulf of Guinea. It was largely controlled by colonial powers until the 20th century.West African adj. & n. was the sceneof the infamous Atlantic trade in ivory and slaves. The authors'researches show a different situation in the fourteenth to seventeenthcenturies, when the people of Ghana were engaged in the indigenousprocurement, manufacture and trade in ivory with neighbours across theSahara Keywords: West Africa, Saharan trade, ivory Introduction Ivory is a raw material long valued for its strength and homogenous homogenous - homogeneous composition which make it ideal for carving (Hodges 1976: 154; MacGregor1985: 38). From antiquity, ivor y was a valued commodity and a'readily obtainable colonial product' (St. Clair &McLachlan 1989: 2) used to produce a variety of utilitarian and artobjects (Cutler 1985: 25-26; MacGregor 1985: 38). However, itsavailability declined following the demise and ultimate extinction ofNorth African North AfricaA region of northern Africa generally considered to include the modern-day countries of Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, and Libya.North African adj. & n.Adj. 1. elephant herds (from the fourth century AD; Wilson &Ayerst 1976: 12; see also Cutler 1985: 20-37) and the dissolution of theRoman Empire. Increased consumption after the ninth century AD inWestern Europe Western EuropeThe countries of western Europe, especially those that are allied with the United States and Canada in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (established 1949 and usually known as NATO). and Byzantium was associated with a revival of African(as well as Indian) trade routes, now controlled by Islam ic states (St.Clair & McLachlan 1989: 3). The Renaissance fuelled artistic demandfor ivory as new centres of ivory working emerged after the tenthcentury in north-eastern France and the upper and lower Rhineland(Burack 1984: 20, 23; MacGregor 1985: 39). European demand for ivorysteadily increased from the seventeenth to nineteenth centuries as awidening array of secular objects ranging from toilet articles to pianokeys were routinely produced (Feinberg & Johnson 1982: 450; Johnson1978: 548). Though India was an important source of ivory, the tusks of Africanelephants were valued for their large size (St. Clair & McLachlan1989: 6). The importance of East African Adj. 1. East African - of or relating to or located in East Africa sources of elephant ivory isoften stressed in the literature (e.g., Cutler 1985: 23; MacGregor 1985:38); however, West Africa also supplied the European and Mediterraneanworld's growing demand for ivory (Feinberg & Johnson 1982:446;New bury 1966). The importance of West African West AfricaA region of western Africa between the Sahara Desert and the Gulf of Guinea. It was largely controlled by colonial powers until the 20th century.West African adj. & n. sources is attested by thename assigned to a portion of the Guinea coast--the Ivory Coast Ivory Coast:see Côte d'Ivoire. , acentre for the French trade in ivory (Burack 1984: 23). It has beentacitly assumed that elephant ivory was the primary/sole source ofivory, but as Reid and Segobye (2000: 328) observed, "specificidentifications have seldom been made" and hippo ivory may havebeen an important item of exchange as well (Barnett 1954; Insoll 1995;1997). Hippo ivory has been used since the fourth millennium BC for avariety of purposes (Insoll 1995: 331), and was particularly valued byAncient Egyptians This is a list of ancient Egyptian people who have articles on Wikipedia. AAhhotep, queen (17th dynasty) Ahmose, princess (17th dynasty) Ahmose, que en (18th dynasty) Ahmose, prince and high priest (18th dynasty) (Barnett 1954: 666). It is extremely hard, andtherefore less easily worked, but is also less subject to exfoliation exfoliation/ex¡¤fo¡¤li¡¤a¡¤tion/ (eks-fo?le-a¡äshun)1. a falling off in scales or layers.2. the removal of scales or flakes from the surface of the skin.3. than elephant ivory (Burack 1984: 33). Its density makes it resistant tostains so that, unlike elephant ivory, its pure white colour does notyellow with age. This made hippo ivory a favoured raw material forartificial teeth as early as the Roman period (Burack 1984: 33, 130).Recent archaeological evidence from Gao (Insoll 1995; 1997), ahistorically important terminus in the trans-Saharan trade from at leastAD 1000 (Figure 1), yielded a large cache of unworked hippopotamus hippopotamus,herbivorous, river-living mammal of tropical Africa. The large hippopotamus, Hippopotamus amphibius, has a short-legged, broad body with a tough gray or brown hid e. ivory(at least 50 tusks) that Insoll (1997: 264) suspects was destined des¡¤tine?tr.v. des¡¤tined, des¡¤tin¡¤ing, des¡¤tines1. To determine beforehand; preordain: a foolish scheme destined to fail; a film destined to become a classic.2. forthe ivory workshops of North Africa and Spain. The cache was associatedwith contexts dated from the late ninth to eleventh centuries AD, andInsoll (1997: 264) suggests that hippo ivory, with its pure whitecolour, may have been valued in North Africa and Spain as a source forinlay inlay/in¡¤lay/ (-la) material laid into a defect in tissue; in dentistry, a filling made outside the tooth to correspond with the cavity form and then cemented into the tooth. in¡¤layn.1. . Gao was involved in the trans-Saharan trade in gold, slaves andsalt, and Insoll (1995: 334) suggests that ivory, including hippo ivory,may have been a fourth commodity that flowed through Gao intotrans-Saharan networks (see also Insoll & Shaw 1997). Documentarysources d raw no distinction between ivory derived from elephants andhippos, and Insoll (1995: 334) speculates that the documentarypresumption that all ivory derived from elephants was because these werefamiliar animals in North Africa and the Mediterranean whereas hipposwere less well known. [FIGURE 1 OMITTED] Indigenous ivory production The last two decades have seen growing awareness of thelong-standing importance of ivory as an African export; however, therehave been fewer studies of ivory production in Africa, a pattern due inpart to a paucity of relevant archaeological evidence (cf. Voigt 1983:77-78, 111-120). Burack's (1984: 25) characterisation ofivory-working in Africa perhaps captures a predominant belief regardingivory production: "Although Africa continues to supply most of theworld's ivory, it is difficult to determine when ivory carving ivory carvingCarving of ivory into decorative or utilitarian objects. It has flourished since prehistoric times. Most Stone Age carvi ngs have been found in southern France, in the forms of small nude female figures and animals. first started there; few tribes are able to trace their history backmore than a few centuries." Recent archaeological work in southernand western Africa suggests otherwise. Several recently published papersdescribe ivory caches that attest the role of ivory as an export fromthe end of the first millennium AD (Insoll 1995; 1997; Reid &Segobye 2000). Reid and Segobye (2000) documented an ivory cache fromMosu I in Botswana that they interpret as a deliberately buriedconsignment. The collection included nine partial and complete"bangles" (circular sections of tusk cut roughly 10mm long and5 mm thick) that were "highly finished." A lack of wasteproducts from Mosu I suggested that they had been brought to the site infinished form. Available evidence indicates that bangles were thepredominant form of finished ivory during the early second millennium ADin southern Africa, and this sugg ests that "... at least some ofthe trade with the Indian Ocean coast may have been in smaller finishedproducts. This contrasts with the labour intensive transportation oftusks to the coast, by slaves or by hired porters, which was socharacteristic of later centuries" (Reid & Segobye 2000: 330).This interpretation is consistent with the presence of small quantitiesof finished ivory objects at Kilwa and Shanga, Indian Ocean tradingsettlements contemporary with these interior sites (Reid & Segobye2000: 330). A lack of production debris or waste products led Reid and Segobye(2000: 327) to suggest that the Mosu I bangle cache was a temporarilystored consignment produced elsewhere and likely destined for the coast.The question of on-site production is often thought to hinge on Verb 1. hinge on - be contingent on; "The outcomes rides on the results of the election"; "Your grade will depends on your homework"depend on, depend upon, devolve on, hinge upon, turn on, ride thep resence of waste materials, which are rarely found on African sites.The site of K2 at Mapungubwe on the southern bank of the Limpopo River Limpopo RiverRiver, South Africa. Rising as the Crocodile (Krokodil) River in the Witwatersrand, South Africa, it flows northeast along the border of South Africa and southeast across Mozambique to empty into the Indian Ocean. in northern Transvaal is a notable exception. Here, in contexts dated toc. AD 950-1150, Voigt (1983: 112-118) documented several partiallyworked tusks and numerous ivory chips or fragments (n=143) that attestonsite production of ivory armbands which were also recovered from thesite. However, other researchers have cautioned that ivory workingproduces relatively little debris, and that waste products are unlikelyto be found in environments hostile to preservation. Unlike bone, whichis characterised by "unworkable" portions (cancellous bone cancellous bonen.See spongy bone.cancellous boneSpongy bone, see there ,articu lar articular/ar¡¤tic¡¤u¡¤lar/ (ahr-tik¡äu-ler) pertaining to a joint. ar¡¤tic¡¤u¡¤laradj.Of or relating to a joint or joints.articularpertaining to a joint. ends) resulting in relatively large amounts of debris, ivoryis more "fully workable" (St. Clair 1996: 372). This, combinedwith its value, means that little raw material is wasted; small piecesmay be used to produce gaming pieces, beads, inlay, and as Burack (1984:15) noted, even ivory dust was historically valued in the production ofindia ink and sizing. The "cone-in-cone" structure of elephant ivory and itshygroscopic hygroscopic/hy¡¤gro¡¤scop¡¤ic/ (hi?gro-skop¡äik) readily absorbing moisture. hy¡¤gro¡¤scop¡¤icadj.Readily absorbing moisture, as from the atmosphere. character make it particularly vulnerable to decay. Elephantivory separates along imbricated imbricated/im¡¤bri¡¤cat¡¤ed/ (im¡äbri-kat?id) overlapping like shingles. imbricatedoverlapping like shingles or roof slates or tiles. cones and readily absorbs mois ture andsalts from its environment (Cutler 1985: 11-14). As a result, ivoryrecovered from archaeological contexts is often friable friable/fri¡¤a¡¤ble/ (fri¡äah-b'l) easily pulverized or crumbled. fri¡¤a¡¤bleadj.1. Readily crumbled; brittle.2. Relating to a dry, brittle growth of bacteria. , tending tofracture and exfoliate ex¡¤fo¡¤li¡¤ate?v. ex¡¤fo¡¤li¡¤at¡¤ed, ex¡¤fo¡¤li¡¤at¡¤ing, ex¡¤fo¡¤li¡¤atesv.tr.1. To remove (a layer of bark or skin, for example) in flakes or scales; peel.2. (e.g., Reid & Segobye 2000: 327). We shouldnot, therefore, expect carving debris to survive in tropical soils withseasonally varying moisture content (St. Clair 1996: 372), and a lack ofivory-working debris does not necessarily equate with a lack of ivoryproduction on site. Ivory in Ghana The largest published collection of ivory from Ghana comes fromDawu, located in the Akuapim area of south-eastern Ghana (Figure 1). In1942, Thurstan Shaw excavated a substantial trench through one ofsev eral large, deep midden middendungheap. mounds and recovered a collection of 28 ivorybangle fragments (representing 24 bangles). Though Shaw's studypreceded radiocarbon dating in Africa, he constructed a relativechronological sequence Noun 1. chronological sequence - a following of one thing after another in time; "the doctor saw a sequence of patients"chronological succession, succession, successiveness, sequencetemporal arrangement, temporal order - arrangement of events in time (using pottery and clay smoking pipes) thatplaced the lower limits of occupation in perhaps the fourteenth orfifteenth centuries (Shaw 1961: 11-20, 85-86). The ivory banglefragments were concentrated in lower levels of the mound, whereas bonecombs and awls (n=50) were distributed more evenly throughout (Shaw1961: 94). Rescue excavations at New Buipe on the Black Volta Black Vol¡¤ta?A river of western Africa rising in western Burkina Faso and flowing about 1,352 km (840 mi) to the White Volta in Gh ana. River yieldedthree spatulate spatulate/spat¡¤u¡¤late/ (spach¡äu-lat)1. having a flat blunt end.2. to mix or manipulate with a spatula.3. ivory objects from seventeenth-century contexts thatwere extensively decorated with circle-and-dot motifs. A similar objectwas recovered from nearby Krunkrunmboi; their shape and curvaturesuggested the use of warthog tusk. A large (8.9 cm) ivory ring from NewBuipe was likely made from elephant tusk (York 1973: 59-61). A variety of ivory objects was recovered from Begho on the northernmargins of the forest zone in western Ghana (Figure 1). Beghorepresented a southern terminus in the caravan trade with the MiddleNiger region where forest products like gold were exchanged for importsincluding copper alloys and salt (Posnansky 1976; 1977; 1987; Wilks1993). Begho ivories were both "unworked and made intobracelets" (Posnansky (1971: 120), though they have not beendescribed in detail. The blowing ends of two side-blown trumpetsdecorated with incised lines and circle-and-dot motifs were recoveredfrom sixteenth to seventeenth-century contexts at Begho. Their form wassimilar to those historically associated with the ruling elite ofAsante, a forest state that arose during the period of the Atlantictrade (Posnansky 1976; on Asante elephant symbolism, see McCaskie 1983,1986). Begho is thus viewed as a conduit through which a variety ofskilled crafts were introduced to the Akan states that later elaboratedthem (Garrard 1980: 37-66; Posnansky 1976; 1977). Its demise was linkedto the growing importance of Atlantic trade networks and the rise ofpowerful states in the forested regions of southern Ghana, and accordingto according toprep.1. As stated or indicated by; on the authority of: according to historians.2. In keeping with: according to instructions.3. oral traditions, many craftsmen were relocated from Begbo to Kumase,the Asante capital, following an attack on Begho in the eighteenthcentury. Finally, several fini shed ivory bracelet fragments and possiblestamps were recovered from secondary fill deposits at Elmina, a majortrade settlement established by the Portuguese in the fifteenth century,taken over by the Dutch in the seventeenth century, and latertransferred to British control in the late nineteenth century (DeCorse2001: 138-140). Unfortunately, the fill deposits from which the ivoriesderived are poorly dated. Banda ivories The Banda area of west central Ghana (Figure 1) has been the focusof long-term archaeological investigations by the Banda Research Project(Stahl 1991; 1994; 1999; 2001). This project has investigated how dailylife in the Banda area was reshaped through a long history of"global entanglements" (Thomas 1991). Excavations prior to2001 were focused on two "core" sites that document a seriesof occupations and abandonments from c. AD 1300 to 1900. We havedistinguished two major phases of occupation based on ceramics: a laterMakala Phase (defined by excavations at the site of Makala Kataa)encompassing the period c. AD 1780 to 1900; and an earlier Kuulo Phase(defined at the site of Kuulo Kataa) associated with radiocarbon datesranging from c. cal AD 1300 to 1650 (Figure 2; Tables 1 and 2). Thesephases correspond with important shifts in international traderelations. The Volta River basin was enmeshed en¡¤mesh? also im¡¤meshtr.v. en¡¤meshed, en¡¤mesh¡¤ing, en¡¤mesh¡¤esTo entangle, involve, or catch in or as if in a mesh. See Synonyms at catch. in trans-Saharan traderelations from about AD 1200 (Bravmann & Mathewson 1970; Posnansky1973, 1987), and Banda, situated in the wooded savannah on the northernmargins of high forest, occupied a zone long associated with transitmarkets (including Begho) at which forest products (particularly gold)were exchanged for Saharan goods (salt, copper alloys; on the WestAfrica trade, see Arhin 1970; 1979; 1987; Brooks 1993; Wilks 1993). Thearea was no less important as the gravity of trade shifted sout h withthe establishment of European trading interests on the coast (Arhin1970, 1979, 1987). [FIGURE 2 OMITTED] The Kuulo Phase occupation of Kuulo Kataa corresponds to the heightof the trans-Saharan trade, while Makala Phase occupations at bothMakala and Kuulo Kataas occurred in a period dominated by the Atlantictrade (see Stahl 1999; 2001: 107-214 for details). In 2001 we embarkedon a regional testing program intended to sample sites across the regionto assess whether the patterns discerned at Makala and Kuulo Kataas holdthroughout the region. The collection of ivories recovered through BandaProject investigations comes from four sites--Kuulo Kataa, and threesites tested during 2001 (see below). No ivory artefacts were recoveredfrom Makala Kataa, and based on available evidence, Makala Phaseoccupations do not appear to be associated with the production orconsumption of ivory objects. To date, then, Banda ivories areassociated with the period of the trans-Saharan trade in the fourteenthto seventeenth centuries. Ivory Objects The majority of ivory artefacts (n=48) recovered by the BandaResearch Project are from our 1995 and 2000 excavations at Kuulo Kataa(n=45) and include bangles, pins/combs and blanks. Single banglefragments were recovered from three additional sites (A-236, B-29 andBanda 40) sampled during our 2001 regional testing program. Thecollection includes items made from both elephant and hippo ivory. Avariety of personal adornments fashioned from animal bones, teeth andshell were also recovered. Potential sources of ivory in Banda include two elephant species,the savannah or bush elephant (Loxondonta africana) and the smallerforest elephant (L. cyclotis) which has straight, thinner tusks (Roca etal. 2001) of poorer quality (Wilson & Ayerst 1976: 12). Hippo(Hippopotamus amphibius) is found in the nearby Volta River and itsupper and lower incisors provide high quality ivory. Faunal remains fromKuulo Kataa included several post cranial post¡¤cra¡¤ni¡¤aladj.1. Situated behind the cranium.2. Consisting of the parts or structures behind the cranium. hippo bones though none ofelephant. Other possible sources include wild bush pig bush pigPortamochoerus porcus, an animal similar to wild boar with a long snout, pointed ears, big bristles and a mane. (Potamochoerusporcus Potamochoerus porcussee bush pig. ), giant forest hog The Giant Forest Hog (Hylochoerus meinertzhageni) is the largest wild member of the pig family Suidae. It is the only member of the genus Hylochoerus. Males can reach as much as 2 metres in length and 1. (Hylochoerus meinertzhageni Hylochoerus meinertzhagenithe giant forest hog, a vector for African swine fever. ), and warthog(Phacochoerus aethiopicus), the last two of which were identified amongKuulo Kataa fauna. Elephant ivory can be distinguished by intersectingSchreger patterns and "cone in cone" fracturing, whereas hippoand hog ivories show concentric dentinal den¡¤tin¡¤aladj.Of or relating to dentin.dentinal(den´tn patterning in cross section(Espinoza & Mann 1991; Krzyszkowska 1990; MacGregor 1985; Penniman1952; Schmidt & Keil 1971; Smith 1950; Trapani & Fisher 2003).Size and contour also aid in identification. The Banda collection includes 39 bangles, at least 33 of which aremanufactured of ivory. Sawn from transverse tusk sections, the bangleswere roughly circular and at times eccentric in profile. As many as 23bangle fragments are of elephant ivory (Table 1). Usually less than onequarter of the maximum possible tusk perimeter is preserved in thesespecimens, revealing original diameters ranging from three to ninecentimetres. At least seven bangles are of hippo ivory, but the total isprobably higher; all hippo ivory bangles are either four or ninecentimetres in original diameter, which conforms well with the basalmeasurements o flower first incisors we examined. The remaining banglesinclude eight indeterminate ivory and one poss ible bone specimen, all ofwhich roughly conform in their gross morphology to the abovedescriptions. The bangles are similar to those from Dawu which, giventheir small diameter, Shaw (1961:65) interpreted as composite braceletssecured with ties (cf. Nzekwu 1963). Though most of the bangles appear polished, the majority were notdecorated (n= 25). Fourteen bangles were decorated with one or acombination of three decorative treatments: simple small drilled dots(Figure 3d, g); compound circle-and-dot motifs (Figure 3b, e, f); orincised lines oriented either parallel (Figure 3a) or perpendicular tothe bangle border (Figure 3c). Bangles with multiple circle-and-dotmotifs, circular impressions, or drilled holes showed roughlyequidistant e¡¤qui¡¤dis¡¤tant?adj.Equally distant.equi¡¤distance n. spacing of impressions in a row along the surface of thebangle (e.g., Figure 3b, d, f, g). On three bangle fragments thecircle-and-dot motif was bordered with one or more parallel incisedlines (e.g., Figure 3e). Dawu bangles showed similar decorativetreatment (Shaw 1961: plate XI). [FIGURE 3 OMITTED] Microscopic examination reveals finely machined symmetricalturnings. This suggests the use of bow-driven horizontal drills equippedwith radiating spikes and a centre bit which are commonly used forinscribing circle-and-dot motifs (Grof & Groh 2001: 282; MacGregor1985: 59). It appears that each motif was produced individually, asoverlapping specimens clearly intersect and cut through the outlines ofpreviously drilled designs. The Banda combs or pins include seven thin specimens with carvedproximal halves and lower notched legs. They range in maximum thicknessfrom 2.48 mm to 5.27 mm ([bar x] = 3.5). because they are fashioned fromlongitudinal portions of dentin dentin/den¡¤tin/ (den¡ätin) the chief substance of the teeth, surrounding the tooth pulp and covered by enamel on the crown and by cementum on the roots.den¡ätinaladventitious dentin? secondary d. , the t iny cross sectional area at theirextremities precludes identification of the animal of origin. One pin(Figure 4d) displays two drilled holes and four circle-and-dot designssimilar to those described for bangles. Dawu elders informed Shaw(1961:66) that historically such combs were used for beards. [FIGURE 4 OMITTED] In addition to worked ivory objects, Kuulo Phase contexts at KuuloKataa also yielded a potential blank and a piece of what may be ivory"bark" (the cementum cementum/ce¡¤men¡¤tum/ (se-men¡ätum) the bonelike connective tissue covering the root of a tooth and assisting in tooth support. ce¡¤men¡¤tumn.A bonelike substance covering the root of a tooth. that envelops the outer surface of thetusk and is removed as a first stage in carving; St. Clair &McLachlan 1989: 6). The ivory blank, recovered from Mound 101, is a 52mm by 25 mm longitudinal chunk of indeterminate origin, with a maximumthickness of 4.3 mm. Two complete, and two partial circle-and-dot motifsare vi sible on its longitudinal surface. If the specimen is a blank,either for bangles or pins, it suggests that surfaces of these ivoryobjects were decorated prior to their final detachment from the materialsource. The bark fragment measures 32 mm x 40 mm with a maximumthickness of 6 mm. These objects provide limited evidence that ivory wasworked on the site. Context of the Kuulo Kataa ivories Our 1995 excavations targeted mounds with Kuulo Phase materials onthe surface (Figure 2; Stahl 1999). In 2000 we wanted to assess whethermounds with later Makala Phase pottery on their surface overlaid aburied Kuulo Phase occupation. The small (1 x 1 m) soundings excavatedinto these mounds (123, 125, 127, 131) contrasted with larger arealexcavations of Kuulo phase house mounds (118, 130 and 148). A variety offeatures were documented in house mounds, including floors, remnantwalls, hearths, pits and features associated with metal working(probably forges). We also excavated single units (2 x 2 m) into twodeep middens, one with Kuulo Phase pottery on the surface (Mound 101),the other with later Makala Phase pottery in surface contexts (Mound102). All ivory artefacts at Kuulo Kataa were associated with KuuloPhase contexts and occurred in both primary (associated with structuralfeatures) and secondary (midden) contexts. A 2 x 2 m sampling of Mound 101 yielded the largest number of ivoryobjects from a single provenance (n=14). This roughly circular(radius=18 m), deep (c. 4 m from apex to sterile base) middenaccumulated during the Kuulo Phase occupation. Seven bangle fragments,six partial pins/combs and one blank were recovered from the Mound 101test unit. The artefacts were vertically distributed throughoutapproximately two m of deposit (from 50 to 240 cm below datum The singular form of data; for example, one datum. It is rarely used, and data, its plural form, is commonly used for both singular and plural. ); however,the bulk (including two bangle fragments, si x pins/combs, and one blank)were concentrated between 110-140 cm below datum. Though the sample issmall, the concentration of partial objects and a blank suggests on-siteproduction of ivory objects some of the objects discarded in this middenmay represent production failures. Radiocarbon dates from Mound 101 allderive from levels below the ivory artefacts (Table 2; Beta-90471 to90473); however, both the radiocarbon dates and the pottery from alllevels of Mound 101 are consistent with the Kuulo Phase occupation ofthe site. Three other mounds (102, 127 and 129) that accumulated primarily asmidden deposits yielded a small number of partial bangles (Table 1).Mound 102 was a large (radius=c. 25 m), deep (c. 4 m from apex tosterile base) but irregularly-shaped midden that appears to haveaccumulated primarily during the later Makala Phase occupation of KuuloKataa; however, lower levels of the mound (from 270 cm below datum) aredominated by Kuulo Phase pottery. Radiocarbon dates fr om lower levels(Table 2; A-12588 to A-12590) are consistent with the age of the KuuloPhase occupation of the site. The single ivory bangle fragment recoveredfrom Mound 102 (of indeterminate source) was recovered between 330-40 cmbelow datum and therefore within the Kuulo Phase levels. Mound 127 is anirregularly shaped, elongated mound (c. 50 x 30 m) with Makala Phasepottery on the surface which we sampled through two 1x1 m units in orderto gauge the extent of early Kuulo Phase occupation. A single elephantivory bangle fragment was recovered between 230-40 cm below datum.Though there were no associated radiocarbon dates, the bangle occurredin association with Kuulo Phase pottery. Mound 129 was initially thoughtto represent a Kuulo Phase house mound, but excavations revealed it tobe primarily Kuulo Phase midden. Kuulo Phase pottery dominated alllevels of Mound 129, and a consistent series of radiocarbon dates (Table2; A-12592 to 12594) corroborates a Kuulo Phase association. F our ivorybangle fragments were recovered between 100-200 cm below datum. The remaining ivory objects derived from house mounds (118, 130 and148) with complex depositional histories. Each of these mounds yieldedevidence of primary occupation (in the form of house floors and walls,as well as hearths and metal working features in Mound 148); however,these primary context deposits were overlaid by, and in some cases(e.g., Mound 130) interspersed with, midden deposits. Based onassociated ceramics, these middens appear to have accumulated followingthe abandonment of structures but in a period of continued Kuulo Phaseoccupation. House Mound 118, excavated in 1995, yielded eight ivory objects(Table 1). Most were elephant ivory bangle fragments (one was fashionedfrom hippo ivory); however, a blank and a pin/comb fragment (both ofindeterminate source) were also recovered. One pin/comb fragment camefrom the level immediately below the lowest of several superimposedhouse floors. Sever al bangle fragments were recovered from excavationlevels associated with house floors, though they did not necessarilyoccur in direct association with the floors. The remaining objects (ablank and three bangles) came from midden-like levels above the housefloors or from a unit that did not yield floors. Three radiocarbon datesfrom the basal levels of Mound 118 are consistent with a Kuulo Phaseoccupation of the site (Table 2; Beta-90474 to 90476) and Kuulo Phaseceramics dominated all levels of the mound. In sum, several of the ivoryobjects may have been associated with the active occupation of themound; however, an equal number occurred in midden deposit thatpostdated abandonment of the Mound 118 living surface. Nonetheless, alloccurred in Kuulo Phase contexts. Mound 130 represented a complex palimpsest palimpsest(păl`ĭmpsĕst'): see manuscript. of primary occupation(represented by house floors and wall stubs) and secondary middenconsisting of ashy ash¡¤y?adj. ash¡¤i¡¤er, ash¡¤i¡¤est1. Of, relating to, or covered with ashes.2. Having the color of ashes; pale.ash deposit mixed with significant quantities of ironslag. Superimposed sets of floors suggest that houses were refurbished/rebuilt over time. The bangle fragments recovered from Mound 130 werefashioned from both elephant and hippo ivory (Table 1). With theexception of two ivory bangle fragments, the Mound 130 specimensrecovered derived from excavation levels associated with floors. Thisassociation hints at the possibility that ivory objects were produced inhousehold contexts. The single radiocarbon date from Mound 130 came froma level below the ivory objects, and appears somewhat later than otherdates on Kuulo Phase contexts at Kuulo Kataa (Table 2; A-12591).Nonetheless, associated ceramics suggest a Kuulo Phase context for theseivories as well. Excavation of Mound 148 revealed a series of associated floors,hearths, partial ceramic vessels and a metallurgical feature (like ly aforge). Elephant ivory dominated the Mound 118 bangles, though severalwere of indeterminate source (Table 1). The ivory bangle fragments fromMound 148 derived primarily from secondary midden deposited after theabandonment of the Mound 148 living surface. One bangle fragment wasrecovered from the fill of an intrusive pit, while two from lower levelsof the mound were recovered from areas outside the pit. Though theselast two bangle fragments were not directly associated with the floor/hearth/metallurgical features, they derived from levels associated withthese features and may, therefore, relate to the period of primaryoccupation of Mound 118. Though two of the four radiocarbon dates fromMound 148 (Table 2; A-12584 to 12587) seem early in comparison to otherKuulo Phase dates, this may reflect an "old wood" problem.Both charcoal samples were associated with a metallurgical feature andmay represent selective use of larger, older trees in charcoalproduction for metal working. Ceramics from the living surfaces, theintrusive pit and the post-abandonment midden overlying overlyingsuffocation of piglets by the sow. The piglets may be weak from illness or malnutrition, the sow may be clumsy or ill, the pen may be inadequate in size or poorly designed so that piglets cannot escape. the livingsurface of Mound 148 are clearly within the range of Kuulo Phasepottery. How the ivories were produced Though Kuulo Kataa yielded no ivory chips or fragments, thepresence of at least one blank (Figure 4e), a piece of possible"bark" and the fragmentary and/or partially finished state ofsome of the ivory objects, suggests that at least some may representproduction failures discarded on-site. Unlike other recently documentedsites (Insoll 1995, 1997; Reid & Segobye 2000), the ivory did notoccur in caches but was distributed throughout a variety of contexts.Some of the discarded ivory objects may have been consumed rather thanproduced on the site, and of course o n-site production does not precludeon-site consumption. Yet, aside from the tantalising Adj. 1. tantalising - arousing desire or expectation for something unattainable or mockingly out of reach; "a tantalizing taste of success"tantalizinginviting - attractive and tempting; "an inviting offer"2. but brief referenceto ivory bracelets at Begho (Posnansky 1971: 120), sites in thesurrounding region have not yielded ivory objects (e.g., Boachie-Ansah1986; Effah-Gyamfi 1985) and this, combined with the evidence for otherforms of craft production (potting, iron production and brass-casting)at Kuulo Kataa leads us to suspect that the ivory objects were producedon-site and perhaps intended for inter-regional exchange. We can perhaps discern something about the organisation andtechniques required for ivory production by constructing the"operational chains by which materials are transformed"(Averbouh 2001: 112; Lemonnier 1992; Provenzano 2001; Voigt 1983:77-78). Though tusks may have b een scavenged, a more regular andpredictable supply would require organised hunting parties. Thezooarchaeological collection from Kuulo Kataa includes a range of large,relatively dangerous animals which suggest that Kuulo Phase inhabitantsof the site were skilled hunters (Stahl 1999; 2001: 131-133). Anotherpossibility is that they accessed the products of these animals throughexchange. Whether pursued by Kuulo inhabitants or neighbouring peoples,hunting of either elephant or hippopotamus is a risky business (Insoll1995: 328-329). Whether hunted or scavenged, the death sites of ivory-bearinganimals were probably located at some distance from the site. We canassume, therefore, that ivory was transported. The absence of identifiedelephant bone in the zooarchaeological fauna raises the possibility thattusks came alone; however, small numbers of postcranial elements ofhippo recovered from Kuulo Kataa suggest that more than tusks weretransported. Though it is impossible to guess how far elephant tusks mayhave been transported, hippo tusks would have been transported at least20 km, the distance to the Volta River. Ivory, like wood, must dry for some time before carving to avoidcracking; therefore, onsite storage of tusks seems likely. Onceseasoned, accessing workable ivory required removing the brown outer"bark" (cementum) to expose the softer dentin (St. Clair &McLachlan 1989: 5). The quality and availability of ivory varied alongthe length of the tusk; taking account of the hollow pulp cavity pulp cavityn.The central hollow of a tooth containing the dental pulp and including the root canal. , anestimated 60 per cent of the volume of an elephant tusk comprises highquality ivory (Cutler 1985: 6). Hippo teeth have large pulp cavities aswell (Hodges 1976: 154). The protective enamel on hippo teeth isextremely hard and presented a special challenge; steel tools reportedlystrike sparks when used against the hard outer surface of hippo canines,which led Burack (1984: 33) to suggest that hippo ivory was a lessFavoured form of ivory prior to the development of mechanised rotarygrindstones. Though the tools used in bone or ivory working have seldombeen recovered from archaeological contexts, we can infer the range oftools that may have been used from the evidence of finished products(Averbouh 2001; Cutler 1985: 38; MacGregor 1985: 55; St. Clair 1996).Among the wide range of production and finishing processes identified byMacGregor (1985), those of cutting and splitting, drilling, scribing orincising, and smoothing and polishing appear relevant to the ivoryassemblage from Kuulo Kataa. Tools used in initial reduction of tuskslikely included chisels, scrapers, picks or adzes and a variety ofknife-like implements (Burack 1984: 42; Voigt 1983: 78). Though werecovered many iron objects from Kuulo Phase contexts at Kuulo Kataa,the degree of corrosion makes it impossible to distinguish specific toolforms. Nonetheless, Kuulo Phase occupants of the site engaged in ironmetal-working, so it is likely that appropriate tools were produced atthe site as well. Decorative motifs on both bangles and combs/pins were executedthrough scribing or incising, perhaps using sharp metal awls oralternatively, in the case of incised lines, a length of wire used inconjunction with an abrasive. The circle-and-dot motif described aboveis common on ivory objects from different temporal contexts andgeographical areas (MacGregor 1985), and was typically executed with athree-pronged centre bit implement. The design is inscribed by rotatingthe centre bit, often with the aid of a bow-drill. Though centre bitshave seldom been recovered from archaeological contexts (for exceptionssee Grof & Groh 2001: 281; MacGregor 1985: 61), the use of a centrebit can be inferred based on the symmetry and regularity of thecircle-and-dot motifs (St. Clair 1996: 373). As noted above, therecovery of a bone blank with circle-and-dot motifs sugge sts thatdecorative motifs may have been executed before the final shaping of theobject. Thus the decorative treatment of bangles may have been worked onlarge blanks before they were cross-sectioned with a double-blade saw.Most of the Kuulo ivories have been smoothed/polished. Suitablematerials for polishing include leather (particularly wet leather; Voigt1983: 78), sometimes used in combination with an abrasive like sand,charcoal or bone ash bone ashn.The white, powdery calcium phosphate ash of burned bones, used as a fertilizer, in making ceramics, and in cleaning and polishing compounds.Noun 1. , as well as fish skin (MacGregor 1985: 58; St.Clair & McLachlan 1989: 5). Of course bangles and combs/pins could break at any point in theoperational sequence, which would have removed them from that sequenceand perhaps led to their discard. This arguably accounts for presence ofsome ivories in midden contexts. Of particular interest here are thecomb fragments recovered from M ound 101. Four of the fragments representcomb/pin "heads", though as an examination of Figure 4 (a-d)shows, their degree of finishing varies. Figure 4d is the only comb/pinfragment that was decorated. It appears to have been polished/smoothedto remove angular edges left by carving. The others (Figure 4a-c) retainan angular appearance, suggesting that they had not as yet beensmoothed/polished. This is also the case with a tine tine(tin) a prong or pointed projection on an implement, as on a fork. tinen.1. The slender pointed end of an instrument, such as an explorer used in dentistry.2. fragment recoveredfrom Mound 101. It seems likely that these objects broke/snapped duringthe course of carving and were discarded. Trade and exchange Though some of the ivory objects may have been used by Kuulo Phaseresidents of Kuulo Kataa, our emerging understanding of life at thissite suggests a level of engagement in craft production consistent withexchange (Stahl 1999, 2001). It seems likely therefore that at leastsome finished ivory objects would have been removed, perhaps to regionalexchange centres like Begho or Old Bima (Bravmann & Mathewson 1970;Posnansky 1987). An intriguing possibility is that the ivory bangles andcombs/pin represent objects produced from ivory associated with the pulpcavity of tusks and intended for local consumption or regional exchange,while "optimum" portions of tusks (i.e. distal to the pulpcavity) were exported in raw form. This remains a hypothesis in need offurther testing; however, it may account for the limited quantity andcharacter of the ivory objects from the Banda area. Of interest is thatthe finished ivory objects are, like those from Dawu, objects ofpersonal adornment or, in the case of combs, associated perhaps withpersonal grooming by contrast with the elite ivory objects associatedwith later West African states (e.g., Benin, Shaw 1978: 167-90). Severallines of evidence suggest that Kuulo Phase residents produ ced a varietyof craft products for regional exchange. We can only speculate aboutwhat Kuulo Phase peoples might have obtained in return. Copper alloysare good candidates (Stahl 1999; 2001: 107-147). The presence ofprobable forges, crucible fragments and casting debris suggests thatcopper alloys were worked on the site though they must have beenimported for there are no copper sources in Ghana. Local involvement inthe gold trade is suggested by the recovery of several figurative goldweights from Kuulo Kataa (Stahl 2001: 138-139). Another candidate iscloth. As detailed elsewhere (Stahl 2001: 123-124; 2002; Stahl &Cruz 1998), Kuulo Phase peoples at Kuulo Kataa did not appear to engagein cloth production Historically, cloth production in England, Wales, and much of Europe was often historically organised under the domestic system, prior to (and also in the early stages of) the introduction of the factory system. , yet cloth was apparently an important product atBegho. Durin g the period of the Atlantic trade, ivory provided a means ofexchange by which Africans obtained a variety of European, Indian, andNew World products (Feinberg & Johnson 1982: 452). In the 1720s thelist of commodities exchanged for ivory along the Dutch West Africancoast included gunpowder, salt, tobacco, cloth, alcoholic beverages andmetal wares (such as brass basins; Feinberg & Johnson 1982: 443). Ofconsiderable interest, therefore, is the apparent absence of ivoryobjects in later Makala Phase contexts. Several possibilities arise: theapparent absence of ivory could be the result of sampling; ivory mayhave diminished in importance as an object of production and exchange(which runs counter to Feinberg & Johnson's (1982) argumentthat ivory exports from the coast were high in this period); oralternatively, trade in the Atlantic period may have shifted to theexport of whole tusks, eliminating the local production of ivory objectsfor local consumption or regional ex change. At the same time, ivoryconsumption appears to have become increasingly restricted to stateelites during the period of the Atlantic trade. Concluding comments At least some early first millennium trade in southern Africa mayhave taken the form of exchange in finished products (Reid & Segobye2000), and the evidence from Dawu (Shaw 1961) and the Banda area inGhana hints at a similar pattern in which small ivory objects wereproduced for regional or inter-regional trade. Available evidence is toolimited at present to make a secure case. However regional production appears to have diminished throughtime; while early second millennium ivory-workers produced small objectsfor personal adornment and perhaps grooming, in later centuries ivoryconsumption became more closely associated with state elites whose powerderived in part from involvement in the Atlantic trade. The dynamics ofthe West African ivory trade were therefore altered by the emergingAtlantic trade. Labour is surely an important dimension of the equation,particularly the labour involved in the transport of full tusks in largequantities, and we have yet to fully understand the complexrelationships between the ivory and slave trades in West Africa. As we have tried to demonstrate, even modest collections of ivoryobjects such as those recovered from Banda area sites can lendconsiderable insight into aspects of procurement, production andexchange when subject to detailed analysis. Though few in number andgeographically dispersed, a handful of recent studies of ivory cachesand objects from western and southern Africa is helping scholarsre-envision the dynamics of early African ivory production and exchangein time and space, dynamics that may have varied considerably from thosethat characterised later nineteenth-century trade. It is noteworthythat, as always, Thurstan Shaw (1961) set an early standard in hiscareful documentation of the Dawu ivories (among other artefact See artifac t. classes)that contemporary researchers might well seek to emulate.Table 1 Provenance and source material of ivory objects from KuuloKataa, 1995 and 2000 excavations (numbers in parentheses indicatethe number of elephant/hippo/indeterminate ivory; a question markindicates a piece that may be cementum or ivory 'bark').Mound Bangles Pins/Combs Blanks Total101 7 (2/2/3) 6 (0/0/6) 1 (0/0/1) 14102 1 (0/0/1) 1118 6 (5/1/0) 1 (0/0/1) 1 (?) 8127 1 (1/0/0) 1129 4 (3/1/0) 4130 8 (6/2/0) 8148 9 (6/0/3) 9Total 36 (23/6/7) 7 (0/0/7) 2 (0/0/1) 45Table 2 Radiocarbon dates associated with ivory artefacts at KuuloKataa.Mound Unit Level (cm bd) Lab no.101 2W 2S 20 (250-260) Beta-90471 21 (260-270) Beta-90472 23 (280-290) Beta-90473102 55W 69N 30 (300-310) A-12588 36 (360-370) A-12589 37 (370-380) A-12590118 66W 6N 9 (110-120) Beta-90474 70W 4N 9 (110-120) Beta-90475 70W 4N 9 (110-120) Beta-90476129 68E 4N 15 (170-180) A-12592 17 (190-200) A-12593 18 (200-210) A-12594130 95E 106N 16 (190-200) A-12591148 68E 50N 8 (92-97) A-12587 68E 52N 10 (100-109) A-12586 70E 48N F1 (95-100) A-12584 70E 50N 8 (90-100) A-12585Mound Unit b.p. Cal AD (2 sigma101 2W 2S 500 [+ or -] 50 1300-1370 (15%) (1380-1490 (80%) 340 [+ or -] 80 1400-1700 (93%) 1750-1850 (3%) 590 [+ or -] 70 1280-1440 (95%)102 55W 69N 427 [+ or - ] 30 1420-1520 (92%) 1600-1620 (4%) 480 [+ or -] 45 1320-1350 (5%) 1390-1500 (91%) 440 [+ or -] 60 1400-1530 (74%) 1540-1640 (22%)118 66W 6N 480 [+ or -] 60 1300-1370 (11%) 1380-1530 (79%) 1580-1630 (5%) 70W 4N 400 [+ or -] 60 1420-1640 (95%) 70W 4N 380 [+ or -] 50 1430-1640 (95%)129 68E 4N 410 [+ or -] 45 1420-1530 (70%) 1550-1640 (26%) 435 [+ or -] 40 1400-1530 (88%) 1590-1630 (8%) 430 [+ or -] 45 1410-1530 (80.4%) 1560-1630 (15%)130 95E 106N 315 [+ or -] 60 1440-1670 (94%) 1780-1800 (2%)148 68E 50 N 360 [+ or -] 55 1440-1650 (95%) 68E 52N 460 [+ or -] 55 1320-1350 (3%) 1390-1530 (83%) 1560-1630 (10%) 70E 48N 590 [+ or -] 40 1290-1420 (95%) 70E 50 740 [+ or -] 80 1060-1090 (2%) 1120-1140 (2%) 1150-1410 (92%) Acknowledgements Funding for Banda Research Project investigations was provided bythe US National Science Foundation (1994-97, SBR-9410726; 2000-2003,SBR-9911690). The research was licensed by the Ghana Museums andMonuments Board, and we are grateful to Acting Director Dr. I. Debrahand his staff for their support. The success of our work has depended onpeople in Banda--especially the workmen from Banda-Ahenkro and Dumpofiewho worked so hard to skillfully excavate the materials reported here,as well as members of the Banda Traditional Council and Dumpofie elderswho gran ted us permission to work. Charles T. Little, Curator,Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York New York, state, United StatesNew York,Middle Atlantic state of the United States. It is bordered by Vermont, Massachusetts, Connecticut, and the Atlantic Ocean (E), New Jersey and Pennsylvania (S), Lakes Erie and Ontario and the Canadian province of and staff members from theDepartment of Mammalogy mam¡¤mal¡¤o¡¤gy?n.The branch of zoology that deals with mammals.[mamma(l) + -logy.]mam at the American Museum of Natural History, NewYork helped us track down literature and relevant comparative materialsfor ivory identification and we are grateful for their assistance. DavidTuttle, Department of Geology at the State University of New York atBinghamton Binghamton University, State University of New York, or their officially adopted name, Binghamton University, is a coeducational public research university located in Vestal, New York. , produced Figures 2 and 3. Received: 22 May 2003; Accep ted: 25 November 2003; Revised: 17November 2003 References ARHIN, K. 1970. Aspects of the Ashanti northern trade in thenineteenth century. Africa 40: 363-73. --1979. 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